or over 500 years, Goa has thrived as a united society. Regardless of the shifts in political landscapes or rulers, we have always been one—physically, emotionally, and spiritually. While circumstances may have brought about changes, they have never divided us on a fundamental level. Goa’s unity is woven into the very fabric of our identity, and this has been demonstrated time and time again.
Prof. Manoj Kamat, Principal of SS Dempo College, underscores this sentiment by recalling how, during the Portuguese colonization, Hindus and Christians stood shoulder to shoulder in resistance. Even before the Portuguese era, under the rule of Adil Shah, Muslims were born and raised in Goa, coexisting harmoniously alongside their Hindu and Christian neighbours. “To this day, Hindus, Christians, and Muslims in Goa share a mutual respect and understanding that defines our collective identity. No external validation is required for this harmony—it is inherent in who we are as Goans.
This unity is crucial as it reflects the reality that, in Goa, we do not distinguish between individuals based on their religion. Our bonds run deeper than that. For 500 years, Goans have resisted colonialism, stood firm against external forces, and despite occasional attempts to sow division, we have never allowed ourselves to be fragmented,” says Prof Kamat.
Fr. Victor Ferrao reflects on this deep sense of Goemkarponn, or Goan identity, as he shares his experiences as the parish priest at St. Francis Xavier Church in Borim. “After Mass on the feast day, entire Hindu families come to offer their prayers and pay their respects. This is not something orchestrated or performed—it’s organic and genuine. It illustrates how the Goan identity transcends religious boundaries. Hindus consider the feast their own, just as much as Catholics do. The same is true for other communities of Borekars who feel a sense of connection and unity during these moments, and we help each other in times of crisis.”
“This seamless coexistence is what makes Goa truly unique. No matter how hard some may try to stir division among us, this deep-rooted unity is not easily undone. It is an emotional and spiritual bond that has withstood the test of time,” says Prashant Naik, a scholar, writer and activist who believes Goans make up a vibrant tapestry of cultures, beliefs, and traditions that continue to thrive.
In his book, “Being a Goan Christian”, Fr Ferrao discusses the politics of identity, rift and synthesis. He alludes to the suggestion that comes up now and then, that the Goan Catholic cultural element doesn’t quite fit with the broader Goan or Indian identity. “That question itself shouldn’t even arise because we, the people, have already answered it with the way we live. Look, Goa’s culture, and especially Goan Catholics, sometimes come across as 'hybridized,' with a bit of the West and a bit of India mixed in. That’s simply because we were culturally insulated from the rest of India for a long time—400 years under the Portuguese is no small thing. And our direct experience with the West, with Portuguese colonization, was completely different from the British colonization that most of India went through,” he says.
“Because of this unique history, sometimes people question our 'Indian-ness,' but we are undoubtedly Indian. I take offense when Goans, especially Goan Catholics, are reduced to something 'non-Indian.' Even when we’ve embraced certain Western elements, it’s not about rejecting India. In fact, I believe that by mimicking the aggressor; by adopting aspects of their culture, we resist the aggressor. It’s a way to defeat them, in a sense. Imitation can be a form of resistance. By becoming what I want to fight, I’m resisting in my own way,” Fr Ferrao remarks.
Chiming in, Prashant Naik rubbishes any claims that Goan Catholics aren’t ‘Indian enough’. “If you look at the Goans who have joined the Defence Forces, 95% of them are Catholic. Nobody can say Goan Christians are anti-national. Even during the freedom struggle, Goan Catholics were prominent leaders of the Satyagraha movement,” he points out.
In Goa, Catholic and Hindu amity plays out so seamlessly in homes, especially during festivals. You often see Hindu families leaving their homes in the care of Catholic neighbours when they travel, and vice versa. These examples of trust and unity happen every day. So, why does the political class still feel like it can extract political or communal capital from this harmony?
“Well, it’s their business, right?” responds Prof Kamat. “They’re in the business of politics, and for that to thrive, they need different strategies. One of the oldest, no-cost but all-profit strategies is divide and rule. It’s been around since time immemorial. Divide people, and religion and caste are the easiest cards to play. People get emotional, they make statements that are blown out of proportion, and others overreact. It’s a cycle. In this case, I feel the same pattern is repeating. There was no need for all of us to pay so much attention to these divisive statements. Today it’s ‘X,’ tomorrow it’ll be ‘Y.’ We need to raise our bar, think beyond this, and ignore these elements instead of giving them the spotlight,” asserts Kamat.
In every election, the harmony among communities is well established. Nobody needs a certificate for that. Yet, it somehow still becomes a political factor in every constituency. Politicians cannot ignore this divide, and they craft their strategies around it.
“I believe India uses fear as a political and industrial motivator. Fear has become an industry. Look at how the capitalist system works — tomorrow, I might get sick, so I need insurance or a big bank balance. Fear of the future controls my present. And politically, it’s no different. If you can instill fear in any community, that community will rally around you. It’s a powerful tool,” points out Fr Ferrao.
Naik laments about how this narrative keeps coming up, which wasn’t there before. Communities that coexisted peacefully are now being subjected to divisive rhetoric.
“For example, historically, we’ve seen individuals from minority communities hold important positions. Tony Fernandes, for instance, became a Minister when the Muslim population in his constituency was just 3-4%, and Raikar became an MLA in a predominantly Hindu area. These are just examples of how diversity worked without friction.
But now, there’s an attempt to infiltrate and shift the environment. Politicians want to sow fear to reap political benefits. It’s not about the people; it’s about the politics of fear,” says Prof Kamat.
In the wake of the most recent controversy- former RSS Chief Subhash Velingkar’s inflammatory comments on St Francis Xavier that triggered a wave of angry protests across State, the panelists unanimously agreed that the people of Goa gave a measured and necessary response. "I believe the people showed a good amount of restraint. Yes, there were protests, and people took to the streets, which was a natural reaction given the circumstances. But overall, I think the response was measured.Even those who were most directly affected—the Christians, particularly Catholics—who had more reason to be upset, didn't cross any major lines. Except for a few minor incidents, which can be dismissed, there were no significant problems. The fact that both sides maintained restraint shows the maturity of the people,” says Prof Kamat.
“Whether it was Catholics or any other group, the reactions we saw were expected and understandable. But importantly, nobody let the situation spiral out of control,” he adds.
"The political class needs to learn some crucial lessons from this situation. It's essential for those who are voted to govern or serve to recalibrate their thinking, especially regarding how they address sensitive issues. Interestingly, more Hindus than Christians were hurt by the statements made recently. Many of my Hindu friends expressed their discontent, stating, 'We did not like this.'
The context might be different, but the point remains: people should be allowed to have faith in their systems and practices. Who are we to object to someone's emotional connection to their beliefs? You can try to prevent people from participating in certain practices, but if it's ingrained in their family traditions for generations, they will follow them regardless.
One clear takeaway is that the politicians who were defeated were often the ones trying to speak out. “The public quickly made them back down. On the other hand, those who were elected chose to remain silent. They were watching the situation unfold and realised that the public sentiment was strong and gaining momentum,” he says.
“It was telling that no Catholic MLA dared to speak out in favour or against the protests, and the same goes for Hindu politicians. The response was largely in the hands of the people. The situation did get a bit politicized in Margao, but ultimately, the community chose to exercise restraint. They decided that whatever actions were to be taken would be done peacefully,” he points out.
The message that the protesters sent out on October 5 was clear - do not play with the sentiments and emotions of the people, especially regarding religion.
Fr Ferrao admits that he initially struggled to understand the anger that swept through the State due to Velingkar’s comments, which could have also been ignored and disregarded.
“It's truly astonishing how deeply some individuals react. Personally, I have immense devotion to St. Francis Xavier, and I often struggle to rationalize why people take certain comments to heart so intensely. For instance, if someone disparages St. Francis, I believe I should not feel that he is being diminished. That’s how I would process it rationally. However, many individuals reflexively identify with their religious figures, perceiving attacks on them as direct attacks on themselves,” he explains.
This presents a complex problem. “It’s precisely why I understand the anger and disappointment that some people express on the streets. Politicians must recognize that we are a stable society and a peace-loving community. They should never attempt to ignite tensions or manipulate people’s emotions for their own gain. It’s unacceptable for politicians to exploit these feelings and ride on the backs of the community's passions,” he says.
But was Velingkar’s comment on St Francis Xavier merely off-the-cuff and spontaneous? Or was it a means to an end, with an ulterior motive?
“I think there might be more to it than just a spontaneous outburst. There's significant resistance building against mega projects like the Bhutani project, Lodha project, etc, and the blatant destruction of our environment. This could be a tactic to divert attention away from those critical issues,” remarks Naik.
“By igniting controversy, the intention might be to shift the narrative and prevent people from focusing on the environmental destruction taking place. It’s quite possible that this was a strategic move to deflect attention and keep these pressing matters under the radar for a while. And he was successful in that, for the entire week, hardly anyone was talking about these pressing issues,” he adds.
Still, there are numerous instances showcasing how Goans have resisted attempts to divide them along religious lines. Reflecting on the demolition of the Babri Masjid and the ensuing communal violence that erupted across India, Naik remarked, “The Babri Masjid demolition sparked riots in nearly every state, but not in Goa. It failed to pit Goans against one another. Velingkar is not the first to make such inflammatory statements. For instance, in Canacona, Jitendra Amshekar, a Sangh activist, has publicly called for a boycott of a specific community when purchasing flowers and other produce. This is a blatant violation that should have been addressed as a suo motu case.”
He continued, “In school, we are taught the pledge, ‘All Indians are my brothers and sisters,’ which is prominently featured on the first page of our textbooks. I want to ask, are these individuals uneducated? How can they make such divisive statements?”
Naik highlighted that the reaction of the people of Goa serves as a strong message to all divisive forces, demonstrating that Goans will not remain silent in the face of attempts to foster hatred and disrupt societal peace. He emphasized that the ability to thrive in coexistence is deeply rooted in Goan culture. “For instance, during Siolim’s Zagor festival, Hindu devotees participate in tiatr, while Christian devotees perform nataks, showcasing brotherhood and cultural solidarity. This is a clear message to all politicians: when you play with fire, you will get burned.”
Prof Manoj Kamat says he was heartened by the glaring lack of support for the outrageous statements made by Velingkar.
"Today, if you look at the demographics, more than 70% of our population is constituted by Hindus. Most of the newspapers are run by this particular community and religion. Show me one newspaper that supported this incident univocally. All editors and publications—I'm really thankful to social media for opposing such statements to a great extent. It’s clear that this agenda has been in play for years, but this time, nobody paid him much attention. More efforts were made to gain traction, but it ultimately did not succeed. No Marathi newspaper, including the most radical and vocal ones, has supported this; on the contrary, they have stated that Goa should not entertain such things. We are successful today,” he says.
So many Hindu brothers and sisters stood with Catholics while they were feeling aggrieved, saying, 'We are aggrieved; this is not Goa, says Fr Ferrao. “This is what I appreciate and value. We need to stand with each other. If that was a diversion tactic, we must remain even more alert to ensure the true good of Goa and Goans is always prioritized. I would like to emphasize that the kind of politics being played focuses on a singular future. Instead, can we look at the future as plural? Everyone deserves a future; why do we only want to create a future by putting someone down? There should be a plural future for Goa, not a singular one."