Initially welcomed with enthusiasm and goodwill, the Women’s Reservation Bill has now ignited a spirited debate, especially among the Opposition. While scrutinising the fine print of the contentious Bill,
many have likened it to a post-dated cheque, yet the catch is, nobody knows the date on that cheque.
Another bone of contention is that the 2023 version of the bill seems to be an abridged rendition of the 2008 bill introduced by the UPA. It not only shortens the text but also omits critical aspects of the 2008 bill, notably its silence on reservations for OBCs and minorities within the overall reservation. This omission has sparked internal debates even within the NDA, with voices like BJP leader Uma Bharati stressing the importance of OBC reservations before fully implementing women’s reservations.
Senior academic Dr Manoj Kamat called it a ‘watershed moment’ in Indian politics due to its historical significance, as discussions about women’s reservation in politics
have been ongoing over the past three to four decades.
Despite the bill being introduced and attempted multiple times in the past, it never made it through the legislative process, he pointed out. However, its sudden resurgence on the political scene has raised eyebrows. “It is not about the intention of the Bill or the need for such a Bill, but the timing. Why is this particular Bill being introduced, when it has not even been discussed? We know that the elections are just around the corner, in the next five to six months. A couple of States are going for elections now. The 2021 census, which was supposed to have started, has not yet kicked off. Suddenly, there is a Bill that talks about empowering women at a future date. We do not know the date. I say it’s a cheque that is undated, and we do not know whether this check will be realised, what the benefits of it would be, and when exactly, if at all, the benefits would accrue to the women.”
Beena Naik, President of the Goa Pradesh Mahila Congress, also questioned the intention behind the passing of the Bill, considering the ‘secrecy’ and the ‘mysterious’ manner of discussions surrounding the Bill, amongst the top brass of the BJP government.
“The plight of the BJP government appears to be very dire, and perhaps that is why Prime Minister Modi hurriedly introduced this Bill into the Lok Sabha,” said Naik. She pointed out that the new Article 334A calls for a census to be done, followed by the delimitation process, which is the redrawing of the boundaries of constituencies to ensure that each elected representative represents roughly an equal number of people. “Why has the census not been done yet?” she questioned.
Speaking candidly, vice-president of the Goa Forward Party Dilip Prabhudesai acknowledged that every political party talks extensively about women’s political empowerment, but very little tangible progress has been made on the ground.
He lauded late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi as a standout figure in Indian politics, noting that he was perhaps the only leader who took concrete steps to empower women politically. “However, in the present scenario, the government appears to focus primarily on short-term gains and election cycles,” said Prabhudesai. “In reality, is this Bill going to be implemented at all? And if so, why does it need the census and the delimitation?” he asked, directing his question at senior political analyst Prabhakar Timble.
Timble, while asserting that the Women’s Reservation Bill is a long overdue step in the right direction towards empowering women in politics, added that it was also empowering democracy. Commenting on the controversy surrounding the timing, intention, and hushed deliberations on the Bill, Timble quipped, “PM Narendra Modi’s USP is secrecy. His USP is springing surprises, be it denomination or anything else. He wants to take the whole credit for it,” he said. “As far as the Women’s Reservation Bill is concerned, I feel that we don’t require a fresh census. If it is a reservation for OBCs or for Scheduled Tribes, a census is required to determine the distribution of these groups across constituencies,” he said. Timble argued that unlike the population distribution of OBCs or scheduled castes and tribes, where census data is vital, the gender ratio in India has remained relatively stable over time, with males and females comprising nearly equal proportions.
“If you go by the performance and the working of the Census Department and the Delimitation Commission once it is formed, I don’t think that women’s reservation will become a reality before 2034,” said Timble.
Playing devil’s advocate, the BJP might contend that none of the political parties have successfully passed this Bill thus far. By pushing for the Bill now, they could be making their intentions clear and leveraging their majority in Parliament to move in the direction of women’s reservation.
Furthermore, the BJP could argue that certain obstacles must be overcome before implementing such a significant policy change. They may emphasise the importance of conducting a proper delimitation to account for the changing demographics and constituencies in India. In their view, to ensure the Bill’s effectiveness over the next several decades, it is crucial to have updated census data as a foundation for the new reservation system. So why is BJP getting criticised for this declaration of (possibly good) intent?
“When you say that all parties want this Bill, is it that all parties want the intent, but do not actually want the Bill?” quipped Prabhudesai, questioning whether parties are truly committed to enacting the bill or if they are content with merely showcasing their intent for political optics.
Prabhudesai observed that politicians from States like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, irrespective of their party affiliations, have consistently opposed the concept of women’s reservation. The resistance from these States may stem from concerns about how the Bill would redistribute parliamentary seats, he speculated.
“Delimitation will increase the number of seats in Parliament. This might be a strategy to address the potential displacement of existing MPs and MLAs, thereby ironing out disturbances caused by the bill’s implementation,” agreed Timble.
“Women’s reservation, across various States and national political parties, rarely exceeds eight percent. Some parties fall short of even the minimum required women candidates. For instance, in Goa, both the Congress and BJP have not done enough to promote women in politics. Often, women who are elected to Assembly turn out to be the kith and kin of veteran politicians- and I don’t consider this true women’s empowerment and representation,” said Dr Kamat.
While Timble opined that no big political party is in reality prepared for women’s reservation, Prabhudesai countered the opinion, pointing out a stark divide in India between States he characterises as ‘progressive’ and ‘regressive’. “In the progressive States of the South, be it Kerala or Maharashtra, no politician across party lines is likely to oppose women’s reservation- there is a clear divide between BJP bastion States and States where the BJP does not call the shots,” said the GFP leader. In an ideal scenario however, should there not be equal representation of both genders in the Parliament, by default?
In 1947, freedom fighter and politician Renuka Ray said, “When there is reservation of seats for women, the question of their consideration for General seats, however competent they may be, does not usually arise. We feel that women will get more chances in the future to come forward and work in a free India if the consideration is ability alone.” Why do we then need a law to enforce this?
“Reservations are essential to level the playing field for women. Just as reservations exist for OBC, SC, and ST communities, we must recognise that women, as a disadvantaged group, require protection as well. Reservations are a means to provide this protection. While women can certainly participate in general seats, the introduction of reservations will help boost their representation in democratic bodies. The current situation, where political parties do not adequately include women, contradicts their professed intentions of promoting women in politics. Today, politics is highly competitive and is a legitimate career.
To prepare women for this, it is imperative to provide them with organisational responsibilities,” said Timble, adding that this Bill should serve as a wake-up call for political parties to actively engage and groom women within their parties, equipping them with the necessary political skills and leadership capabilities.
Speaking about the sexist treatment of female politicians even within their own parties, Prabhudesai questioned if any political party ever calls upon the members of their ‘Mahila’ wing to address a press conference on any issue not concerning women. “This condescending attitude towards women, that their voices should be used only for some matters, is why we need women’s reservation,” he said.
However, considering that Goa is considered bereft of such misogynistic discrimination, how come there have not been more female stalwarts in Goan political history?
“Goa has always been progressive, but this progression has not been reflected in women participating in political affairs, on their own acumen. Sashikala Kakodkar had her own acumen, but she also was part of a political family empire. If this is the State of Goa, how can we compare Uttar Pradesh or Bihar?” responded Dr Kamat.
The panelists acknowledged the handful of female Goan politicians who did not come from a political family background, including late Victoria Fernandes, Farrel Furtado e Gracias, Nirmala Samant, Sangeeta
Parab and late Sulochana Katkar & late Phyllis Faria predominantly around Rajiv Gandhi’s tenure as PM, reflecting the ideology of the leader.
So why don’t we have more women joining politics from social movements, student movements and from other spheres? “Because the psyche of our society is male dominated. Why don’t we see more women editors in the media- why are they stuck assisting and copywriting? Society looks at men and women differently even today. Politics has become competitive, it’s not just a service, it’s a career that requires acumen, money, muscle, and time commitment. We have to create this leadership for women,” said Timble. Naik added that politics also needs to provide an environment that is conducive for women to work in. “It will boost the morale of women to participate more,” she said.
Beena Naik said that they (women within Congress) have been demanding 33% reservation for women candidates for years now, but the ‘winnability’ of the candidate becomes a factor against fielding them. Prabhudesai pointed out that even if a female candidate has the potential to win, the male dominated upper echelons of the parties do not perceive them as winnable.
While it may sound idyllic to expect political parties to set aside 33% seats for women whether or not the Bill is implemented, Timble said that it was not a practical move, today. “In the political battleground, pledging 33 percent women without reservations would be political suicide. It could spell doom for a party because voter behaviour is distinct.”
“While nothing may change until the Bill is implemented, this waiting period, whether it’s 10 or 19 years, should be considered as preparation time, to groom capable candidates, shift party mindsets, and prioritise women’s representation and leadership roles and offers an opportunity to prepare women’s leadership. Eventually, regardless of the party in power, this legislation will need to be implemented, and the number of women in the electorate is rising,” said Kamat.
While putting the onus on political parties to ensure higher participation of women in legislation, we do not question why the common woman, the women who are not affiliated with any political party, fail to come out on the streets demanding better political representation – like the minority communities often do. “Why don’t the women of India come out as a consolidated force and demand reservation? After the reservation for women at the Panchayat and Municipality level, we now have the disgraceful practice of ‘Sarpanch patis’ (husbands of elected local representatives who actually run the show). Will we possibly have MLA patis after this Bill is implemented?” questioned Prabhudesai.
Timble opined that the existence of ‘Sarpanch patis’ may be an aberration for a few rounds of elections, but the tides of change will come. Kamat agreed, and said that with the passing of time, the elected woman representative will be more assertive, and respect her office and be keen to handle her responsibilities herself.
When India came into being as a sovereign, socialist, secular, democratic republic, there was an inherent belief that gender equality would prevail. This belief extended to the notion that both men and women would progress equitably, empowered, and provided with equal opportunities.
This hope was not limited to our current generation but was also shared by the visionary women of the Constituent Assembly, who rejected the idea of needing specific laws for women's empowerment, confident in the vision of an India where gender equality thrived. However, somewhere along the way, this confidence and hope have been let down, which is the biggest tragedy. The passing of this bill or not is secondary; the real tragedy lies in the erosion of our fundamental beliefs. In conclusion, every Indian can only push for the Women’s Reservation Bill to be implemented sooner, than later.